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“ He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators
present concur; and he shall nominate,
and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors,
other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all
other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein
otherwise provided
for, and which shall be established by law: but the Congress may by law
vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper,
in the President
alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.”
United States Constitution, Article II, section 2.
Ari Fleisher, the lame-duck Presidential mouthpiece, announced that the
President was not about to consult with members of the Senate prior to
sending any
Supreme Court nomination to the Hill for confirmation. To do so, he said,
would change
the Constitution. Like most ideologues who cite the Constitution to justify
their principal’s actions, Fleisher seems to be ignorant of its contents.
In plain and unambiguous language Article II, section 2 lays out the process
by
which Presidential appointments are to be made. It does not provide for
a simple up or down vote on the part of the Senate, as Fleisher seems to
believe,
but
rather describes a process by which the President is to obtain the collegial
advise of the Senators in the process of making the appointment and then
must secure the consent of the Senate to the appointment.
Senator Daschle wrote to the President offering that the process begin
with bipartisan consultation to select a panel of candidates for any Supreme
Court
nomination
that would ameliorate partisan contention over a nomination and avoid a
protracted and divisive partisan battle over the makeup of the most important
judicial
body, In short, the Democratic Senators offered to provide the Senate’s
advise to the President as provided by the Constitution and not, as Fleisher
proclaimed,
to change the Constitution. That offer was flatly rejected.
It seems that a divisive battle is exactly what the Bush Administration
seeks as election year approaches. A Constitutional crisis to serve the
partisan
interest of the Rovian reelection strategy is more important to the President
than the
unity of the nation at a time when the Administration’s new, and
failing, homeland security efforts are raising fundamental Constitutional
issues.
A protracted struggle over an ideological appointment may serve the partisan
interest of the
Republican Party, but it is destructive of the national interest. It will
serve only to divide the country and not unite it in a common purpose as
the President
promised he would do,
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